Martin Schulz victim of friendly fire, renounces the Ministry of Foreign Affairs

The decision related to the strong pressure exerted by the base of the SPD and the fear that the GroKo with Angela Merkel will not pass the referendum among the members

Martin Schulz will not be foreign minister to the whole of a possible new Great German Coalition. In recent days an agreement had been reached between Cdu, Csu and Spd regarding the possible government team that handed over important Ministries to the Social Democrats and called Schulz to foreigners. After expressing an initial consensus, however, the leader of social democracy has backtracked.
In a letter he explains to the voters that, essentially, the reason for this choice is the fear that the members of the SPD do not approve the new GroKo at the internal consultation that the party is holding and that could jeopardize the entire training of the new executive . "Because of the discussions about my person I see the success of the vote threatened", writes the leader of social democracy "for this announcement my renunciation of entry into the federal government and I hope that in this way the personal debates within the SPD ". His "personal ambitions" continued "they must stay behind the interests of the party".
In fact, by March 2 460,000 Social Democrats are called to speak about the formation of the new government. It is a simple internal consultation that if he saw however affirm the nourished front of the "No GroKo" (no to the Grand Coalition) would result in an automatic backtrack by the whole party. In that case, the SPD would skip the agreements reached with Angela Merkel, thus making the Great Coalition projects fail.
This is a risk too big for the Chancellor as for Schulz. The latter in recent months has linked his image and his political future to the agreement with the Union (Cdu and Csu) reneging what promised the evening of the September elections when, after learning of the blow, announced not to be available for reform a government with broad understandings. Subsequently, changing his mind, he received the praise of most German economic and political institutions (starting with the President of the Republic, Frank-Walter Steinmeier), but he inevitably attracted the anger of much of the social-democratic militancy. The latter fears that by doing so, the Spd will be totally lost its identity as a value and be irreversibly subordinate to Merkel.
The appointment of Schulz as foreign minister would have ratified the crowning of the new course he gave to the SPD. Despite the defeat in the elections, social democracy would have seen its leader grab one of the country's key command posts, which would have confirmed and strengthened its internal leadership and the definitive affirmation of its alliance project with the Union. That is why in the last days his internal opponents have started to attack this decision and to mobilize to stop the birth of the new government. Using the internal party vote as an instrument. The young Social Democrats (Jusos), but above all the former Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel, attacked the front of the SPD.
Not even the obtaining of important ministries in the hypothetical new government has calmed the souls of the "reds". Indeed, many believe that what is achieved in the negotiations betrays the values ​​of the party. The program of the eventual
the new Merkel government, in fact, is based on a very paradoxical compromise: on the one hand, Union and SPD propose to strengthen social policies (this is another concession made by Merkel to help Schulz to appease the spirits of its most orthodox opponents) through new investments. These, however, would be guaranteed by the commercial surplus of German exports and by the collection of credits that German companies and banks can collect from abroad. In short, these are internal social policies that are based on the application of austerity policies abroad and which contradict both the idealist and pan-European spirit that Schulz became a bishop in recent months as well as the ideological vocation of large sections of the German left.

In short, just when it seemed to have finally made it Schulz became uncomfortable for everyone. For Merkel and Csu who see in his person the obstacle to the agreement with the SPD; for most of the same Spd; for those political and economic apparatuses that demand government stability and that therefore they want to avoid the return to the polls as the institution of a fragile minority government; for large sections of public opinion (polls say that 72 percent of Germans believe that Schulz would not be a good minister). From last chance for Angela Merkel to obtain stability, Schulz has turned into a source of quarrels and problems that have meant that the only element that united all the parts in question was the request of his head. So it was.
Withdrawing Schulz, the future prospects inevitably change. The answers to the many unanswered questions will come on March 2 when it will be known how the Social Democrats have voted. In the case of approval by GroKo, many will, starting from Merkel, breathe a sigh of relief and thank them for dropping the former Social Democratic chancellor candidate. Then, perhaps, we can proceed towards a new government, but the government team will be renegotiated. In case, however, Schulz's backward step does not lead to the hoped-for feelings and can not convince most of the social democracy then it will be at the end. In this case Merkel would no longer have new interlocutors to form a majority and the return to the polls would be something less utopian.

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